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The artistic
movement which Filippo Tommaso Marinetti launched on the front page of Le Figaro in
1909 with his famous manifesto, which Guillaume Apollinaire would soon call le nouveau
esprit, and which quickly spread throughout continental Europe as the last great art
fashion, Il Futurismo, never took root in England or America. The explicit program
of Futurism in every country which embraced it was an assault against tradition in all of
its forms: political, social, and cultural especially. Thus it exercised an immense
influence in the more tradition-bound and backward countries such as Italy and Russia,
whose citizens watched the modernization of their more industrialized neighbors in jealous
admiration. But it is not a coincidence that Futurism was least appreciated in those
countries which had already experienced the Industrial Revolution; for the citizens of
Manchester and New York, the future was already there, and it wasn't pretty.
Marinetti traveled across Europe giving theatrical lectures on
his new movement, inciting riots in some places and applause in many others. He never made
it to America, but his English visit in 1913 impressed Wyndham Lewis and Ezra Pound enough
that they promptly created the Vorticist movement that same year, and stocked it with
Futurist themes. In the first issue of the house magazine, BLAST, Pound wrote:
The vortex is the point of maximum energy. It represents, in
mechanics, the greatest efficiency
It is the picture that means a hundred poems, the
music that means a hundred pictures, the most highly energized statement, the statement
that has not yet SPENT itself in expression, but which is the most capable of expressing
the TURBINE.
For the new magazine, Pound then promptly produced his first
poems in a modern idiom. Futurism, in fact, was the hidden lever that transformed Pound
into a Modernist poet and thus, through him, English poetry. It tempered the poet's
antiquarian obsessions. But this does not mean that Pound was a Futurist poet in the style
of Marinetti. The poet who was busy translating Japanese Noh dramas when the first
Futurist exhibitions opened in London could never be persuaded by the Italian's calls for
words-in-freedom and the destruction of past masterpieces. Futurist theories had a benign
influence on English letters largely because England got Pound's version of Futurism, and
the poet always had an acute historical sense. T. S. Eliot attested to this when he said:
Pound has done more than anyone to keep Futurism out of England. His antagonism to this
movement was the first which was not due merely to unintelligent dislike for anything new,
and was due to his perception that Futurism was incompatible with any principle of form.
Pound was so successful that he himself seems to be the only
poet in England at the time significantly influenced by the movement. In fact only one
other poet, in the whole English-speaking world, was affected by Futurism and then a
decade later: Hart Crane. Incredibly, Futurism found no audience in the industrialized new
world.
Of course, the darker manifestations of this new spirit were not
co-opted, or restrained, on the continent. There, Marinetti preached a na�ve optimism
concerning machinery, a love of warfare, and a hostility toward classical art, all of
which had deplorable social consequences in Russia and Italy. It is little to be wondered
that such an aesthetic found its political expression in totalitarianism, for the
Futurists wanted rapid and revolutionary change most of all, and wanted it for its own
sake. What they believed in was a modern world conjured, as it were, ex nihilo. And
that is why Marinetti was soon applauding Mussolini, just as his Russian counterparts were
the first to join the Bolshevik Revolution as the "Left Front."
These dark conjunctions are not, however, the main interest of
this essay, but rather the machine aesthetic which the Futurists idealized but which their
literature only sporadically embodied. They were interested in the artistic possibilities
of the machine, and with its alterations of human experience. They thought the arts should
be mechanized as the world was being mechanized. Why did their art fail or, rather, why is
their literature so embarrassingly slight? The answer is simple: two world wars, conducted
with deadly machines and aided by industrial processes, made a mockery of these artists
who had not only announced but advocated the Industrial Revolution. The Futurists were led
astray because they romanticized the machine, even celebrated its dangerous
functions, and no such appeal could survive Verdun.
Almost a century later, what remains vital in Futurist
literature? The manifestos of Marinetti still retain their bombastic glory, though the
poems of Palazzeschi, Govoni, and Buzzi do not seem to be of permanent interest. As for
the members of the Russian Cubo-Futurist school, only Vladimir Mayakovsky retains his
reputation. Unfortunately, the translations we have of him in English do not exhibit much
subtlety of thought or expression. We must turn elsewhere for a Futurist poetry of any
consequence. We must turn to Guillaume Apollinaire, who wrote the opening lines of Zone
in 1913:
A la fin tu es las de ce monde ancien
Berg�re � tour Eiffel le troupeau des ponts b�le ce matin
Tu en as assez de vivre dans l'antiquit� grecque et romaine
It is not too much to say that these lines ushered in the new
spirit in poetry. Behind them lies the Decadent and Symbolist movements, personified in
such figures as Mallarm�, Verlaine, and Swinburne; shortly after them appear T. S. Eliot
(1917), the Ezra Pound of Lustra (1916), and Blaise Cendrars (1913). That
Apollinaire was only partially conscious of his achievement is, I think, undeniable. The
brash, modern quality of "Zone" is found nowhere else in his poetry, and the
essay which defined and introduced this new spirit was written five years later, shortly
before his death. It is to that unfairly neglected essay, L'Esprit Nouveau et les
Po�tes, that we must now turn.
What Apollinaire understood about this new spirit, whether
described as futurist or modern, was that it amounted to a kind of vision,
and that its object was the modern world. This vision, of discerning contemporary
experience and accepting it as material for art, was one that he first discovered in
Baudelaire; and what he wrote about the author of Les Fleurs du mal was equally
true of himself:
It is true also that in him the modern spirit is for the first time incarnated. It is
with Baudelaire that something was born which simply vegetated while the naturalists, the
Parnassians, and the symbolists were going along without seeing a thing; and the
naturists, having turned away, did not have the boldness to examine the sublimity and
monstrousness of something new.
Some twelve years later, T. S. Eliot was to praise this same
quality in Baudelaire, and to identity it as his great contribution to modern poetry:
It is not merely in the use of imagery of common life, not merely in the use of imagery
of the sordid life of a great metropolis, but in the elevation of such imagery to the first
intensitypresenting it as it is, and yet making it represent something much more
than itselfthat Baudelaire has created a mode of release and expression for other
men.
So the experimentation in verse forms, the freedom from the
troublesome bondage of rhyme, and the passionate interest in novelties of all kinds were
legitimate aims for the new poet, according to Apollinaire, because of the technological
transformation of the world. About this he was explicit and prescient:
Marvels impose on us the duty not to allow the poetic imagination and subtlety to lag
behind that of workers who are improving the machine. Already, scientific language is out
of tune with that of the poets. It is an intolerable state of affairs. Mathematicians have
the right to say that their dreams, their preoccupations, often outdistance by a hundred
cubits the crawling imaginations of poets. It is up to the poets to decide if they will
not resolutely embrace the new spirit, outside of which only three doors remain open: that
of pastiche, that of satire, and that of lamentation, however sublime it be.
What is left to be said, other than that Apollinaire
anticipated the three major tones of poetry in the twentieth century? It is to the fourth,
which Marinetti imperfectly birthed and Apollinaire educated, that we must now turn. For,
today, the relationship of contemporary poetry to contemporary experience remains
unchanged from what Apollinaire described in 1918; poetry must continually catch up with a
world rendered new almost daily by technologies of which even Marinetti would not
automatically approve. In poetry, as in everything else, nova ex veteris. Perhaps a
Futurism stripped of its destructive impulses, and its more eccentric innovations, will
prove congenial to a new generation of poets. |